Tribal journalism in the Adahooniłígíí (1943-1957)
Ana M. Diaz-Collazos – Spring/2026
In this essay, I will address the role of the newspaper Adahooniłígíí (1943-1957) in shaping ideologies that contributed to promote Navajo identity while at the same time building a political adherence to the United States. In one sense, the newspaper showed ways to be Navajo as part of a larger project of Anglo-American nationhood. This essay will explore a set of sample articles from the beginning of the newspaper (1943), the middle (ca. 1952) and the end (1957) to show its ideological evolution. I will use the online facsimile copies available at Arizona Memory Project.[1]
This essay starts by outlining the history of the newspaper, followed by an overview of scholarly work of Native Studies’ perspectives on journalism. For the analysis, I will provide a sample of common topics in the first and last two published issues to observe ideological trends and biases, along with a brief sampling of its middle years. The last section of this essay will provide a critique of underlying ideologies within the articles by comparing the Navajo with the English version of certain articles, its visual layout and editorial biases.
Historical overview of the Ádahooniłígíí
Lack of academic research on the Ádahooniłígíí forces us to use primary sources to identify aspects of its creation, evolution, and purpose. The collection of facsimile copies found in Arizona Memory Project[2] starts with an introduction provided by University of Arizona Libraries.
The title means “Current Events,” yet a close morphological analysis shows that it might mean: the one that (ígíí) that will give away the plural objects (news, events) (da … níł) in an area (hoo) for the place we all know about (á).[3] Its title shows a connection between the events and the territorial Navajo identity, which in the translation “Current Events” gets lost.
According to Arizona Memory Project, [4] it started in August of 1943 in Window Rock, Arizona, as a monthly serial and it was printed by the U.S. Indian school of Phoenix. It was a project started by the Anglo-American linguist Robert Young[5] and the Navajo scholar William Morgan, who worked as translator across the years the newspaper lasted.[6] It stopped being published in 1944-1946, and when it restarted, it increased the number of pages from around 3 to 16. [7]
By April 1951, R. Ethelyn Miller joined the newspaper as editor as Young left, followed by Edward Mays in 1952. It gradually became a bimonthly newspaper by those years, and closed in 1957. Around 3.500 copies were printed. Its earliest issues focus on events concerning the World War II, but later it published more about events affecting the Navajo people and articles written by Navajo authors.
The role of the paper in promoting the usage of Navajo language is undeniable. It might have played a role in the creation or standardization of terminology in Navajo such as names of states, political institutions, and war machinery, which incentivized the usage of Navajo language instead of resorting to the English loanword. While Morgan added a Navajo imprint to the Navajo words, he still was subordinated to the Anglo-American dominant views as the editors seemed to have been. Power struggles might have played a role in the leadership changes and ultimately its closure.
Just two years after Young’s departure, on August of 1953 the newspaper appears as a publication of the Bureau of Indian Affairs,[8] the same institution with an ambiguous stance through history especially with regards to the creation of the boarding schools during the federal era of assimilation.[9] They created the tribal police which started as a “quasi-military” organization. Native American veterans from WWI demanded recognition as citizens to their BIA offices, and citizenship was granted in 1924 to all Native Americans.[10] This editorial change might have been an important landmark leading to the later dissolution of the newspaper.
Tribal journalism in the Navajo context
19th century’s Anglo-American newspapers that brought coverage of events where Native Americans were involved.[11] The Anglo-American narratives strategize language usage with implicit biases against Native Americans. There are two opposing stereotypes of Native Americans as the “Ignoble savage” versus “Noble savage” that are both utilized to the convenience of the Anglo-American perspective. This justifies land dispossession happening during the Anglo-American invasions of Native American territories.
While it is evident that the Ignoble Savage justifies war, cruelty and dispossession in favor of the Anglo-American government, it is less evident how the image of “Noble Savage” would serve to their purpose. The author says that the Noble Savage was viewed as redeemable, an object of amusement, and because of this potential, those who turned on the “Barbarian” side were heavily despised. [12]
Tribal newspapers have provided an alternative point of view to an Anglo-American perspective on indigenous matters, which may be viewed as impressive progress compared to existing ideologies in the 19th century. However, studies on the Navajo Times have shown that the paper has constantly dealt with a tension between being the official voice of the Navajo government[13] and a source of criticism of tribal and non-tribal power.[14]
Trahant, for example, as a former journalist in the Navajo Times, describes how difficult it is to voice criticism against the Navajo tribal government at the paper. After an editorial that endorsed Peterson Zah for reelection as president of the Navajo Nation (1986),[15] the opposing party used their power to suddenly close the newspaper. And then: “The newspaper was closed for a time and then reopened as a noncontroversial, official tribal publication”.[16] Voicing only the voice of the Navajo government might still be oppressive to the Navajo people, which may contradict essentialist[17] outsider views on the Native Americans.
The NT, however, was more openly critical to the Navajo Nation during the COVID crisis. A recent article by Camarillo et al. on the Navajo Times establishes an important distinction between the Navajo Nation and the Navajo people.[18] They compared COVID coverage by New York Times and Navajo Times between January-September 2020.
The NYT portrayed Native Americans as vulnerable victims of an unchangeable colonial system, while the NT provided more emphasis on the agency of the Diné people to find tangible solutions, engaging in criticism of the Navajo Nation. The NYT essentializes the Navajo Nation as a whole entity as victim of an oppressive system, while the NT tended to go on record at criticizing their tribal government and were aiming at exploring solutions to the COVID crisis. The fear of instilling negative stereotypes may force the NYT to disregard such types of nuances.[19]
Ádahooniłígíí between the war and the community
This section provides an overview of how common topics in the newspaper changed over time, including issues from:
- August 2, 1943 — Volume 1, Number 1[20]
- September 1, 1943 — Volume 1, Number 2[21]
- July 1, 1953 — Volume 9, Number 9 (before the Bureau of Indian affairs took over) [22]
- August–September 1953 — Volume 9, Numbers 10–11 (first issue with the Bureau of Indian Affairs as editor) [23]
- October 1, 1953 — Volume 9, Number 12[24]
- May–June 1957 — Volume 14, Numbers 7–8 (last issue) [25]
The first issues of the paper consistently deal with World War II, by highlighting military developments wich fighting in Europe, success in Sicily, actions by ally leadership such as Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill, connecting these events to Navajo participation as part of the military. The early issues also voice local concerns such as livestock marketing, grazing permits, and local infrastructure progress such as schools. This shows an editorial interest in both global war and local community issues.
By 1953, the paper is focusing more on the institutional governance and development within the Navajo Nation, with coverage of the Navajo Tribal Council budgets, administrative structures, and federal policy. It highlights agricultural programs, livestock improvement, and achievements in local education along with announcements of cultural events and recounts on historical matters.
In 1954, Young and Morgan published Navajo Historical Selections,[26] compiling articles from the newspaper taking the English version along with an appendix with the Navajo version. This apparent paradox shows how Young capitalized on the stories published by the Navajos when he was an editor of the paper, and it was probably a way to assert authorship against the BIA. The articles do not contain bibliographical references to where in the Ádahooníłígíí are located. One of those articles includes “Ba’álílii wolyéé ńt’éé’ ’ólta’ dooda níigo yiniinaa naazhchxǫ’”[27] “The trouble caused over school by the one with magic power”[28].
Analysis of selected sample
Using tools from Critical Discourse Analysis,[29] this essay analyzes language used in the first issue of the paper, [30] one article taken from the Young’s era, “Ba’álílii wolyéé ńt’éé’ ’ólta’ dooda níigo yiniinaa naazhchxǫ’” (=The trouble caused over school by the one with magic power)[31] and an article from the BIA era, ““Hastóí béésh bąąh dah naaz’ání daniliinii naanish deiit’éégóó bee bił nahazni’” (=Brief reports to the tribal council).[32] This will show a sample of how the newspaper evolved in its task of building national adherence to the United States while maintaining tribal identity.
The first issue of the paper is composed of only one page written only in Navajo, from August 2nd, 1943. The central title to the issue is “Nihisiláago Europe yaa tiih daazbaa’’” (=Our soldiers are making intense war about Europe). Then the longest article “Binaa’adaałtso’zi tąądee baa honeneeł” (=The Japanese would be gradually losing) tells several military offensive moves against Italy, Germany and Japan. Thus, it is framing the war as central to the Navajo Nation.
Not only is the article located as central to the Navajo Nation, it is how it highlights the United States’ military power as part of the Navajo identity. The way it implies this idea may not necessarily explicitly expressed in the article. It is suggested in subtle linguistic forms, such us using the word “nihisiláago” (=our soldiers) to refer to the U.S. military.
Next to this article there is a column entitled “Béées bąąh dah naaznilígíí tági jį’ ’ałah nilį́. Collier bee nihahaz’áanii ’adaanaadadołgueeł lágo ni” (=Navajo Councilman is meeting on Wedenesday. Collier reminding the council to follow the federal rules). The article reports on a meeting held between the Commissioner Collier and the New Mexico Senator Chávez about regulations concerning the lands of the Navajo Nation connected to the treaties. This article starts with something that seems to concern the Navajo Nation directly, but mainly works at the interest of the federal government. It deals with several regulations affecting the Navajo lands which the Navajos would need to start to follow.
Another article is entitled “Da’ołta’doo ’azee’adaal’į biniighe nidahodiyoodlahigii” (=Recruiting those who don’t go to school). The article encourages Navajos to go to school to learn English, as those who won’t go to school will be drafted for war. It also states the benefits of going to war after their return, as their ability to hold several jobs. Then the article entitled “T’aadoo le’e ’ałts’iisigo yii’aah tee ts’ídá ’agháadi ’at’é yileeh” is signed by J.M. Stewart. It sets up the editorial framing of the newspaper, by saying that the newspaper will deal with both issues concerning the Navajo Nation and the federal government. Later in the issue, the title “’Ałk’idąą’ Indian binaaltsoos hane’bee hahinidehęę baa hane’” (=The story of an old Indian newspaper), where it compares the making of the Ádahoołinígíí with the Cherokee Phoenix, who was established in 1828. This comparison highlights the vital role played by the Cherokee Phoenix in inspiring other nations into making their own voices heard amid the incorporation of tribal communities into the large project of federal nation.
In “Ba’álílii wolyéé ńt’éé’ ’ólta’ dooda níigo yiniinaa naazhchxǫ’” (“The trouble caused over school by the one with magic power”)[33] appears signed by Kinłichíi’nii Biye’ or The Son of the Red House Clansman. The article tells the story of a man known as Ba’álílii or The One with Magic Powers, who were convincing other Navajos not to take their children to school. The federal government army along with the Navajo police embark in a violent mission to imprison Ba’álílii and in the journey they kill several people. At the end of the article, the author assigns blame to Ba’álílii for causing trouble, and not the federal government for reacting with such disproportionate force. At the end, the author highlights going to school and learn English as positive to the Navajo people.
While the article does not clarify whether this was during the boarding school era, it does seem so, because the author mentions being young when this happens. If it happened 20-30 years before, it might have been around the 1920’s, towards the end of the boarding school system. Also, the fact that the refusal was so fiercely enforced speaks about the coercive ways to take Navajos to school. The author, thus, has interiorized this self-oppressive idea about going to school, and learning English as something superior to being Navajo. Some editorial perspective still considered this idea appropriate to be published in the newspaper.
The selected from the BIA entitled ““Hastóí béésh bąąh dah naaz’ání daniliinii naanish deiit’éégóó bee bił nahazni’” (=Brief reports to the tribal council), from November 1st of 1956, shows something not found in the 1943’s analyzed article.[34] Morgan translates the reports to Navajo, most statements in the article end in words like ch’ínááhoní’ą́, jiní, ni’, ní, ndahasni’, or ’át’é ní. While jiní is a common phrase in storytelling, in the context of a news article it would frame the facts as something occurring at a temporal distance. This is the way Morgan, the Navajo translator, seems to provide a compromise between his voice as a Navajo author and the Anglo-American pressure to inform within certain perspective.
In the Navajo version, while the article is discussing the neglect against infrastructure projects needed for the wellbeing of Native people in the territory, the paper shows a pictures of 1) a crew of Navajo firefighters standing next to a truck in California, on the first page, 2) a group of Navajo weavers standing next to their rugs on page 4, 3) a picture of a truck being raffled by a guy selling tickets at a fair, on page 5. The lack of relevance of the photos against the content of the article creates a false idea on what the pressing issues the article is discussing. While the article deals with the harmful effects of mining in the Navajo nation, no photo connected to the topic is presented in the article. This essentializes the Navajo culture as a fair-like culture with rugs and strong men, whereby social problems should be considered secondary to a joyful displayed of art. This diminishes the underlying problems the article is highlighting.
Conclusions
This analysis of a tribal newspaper through critical lenses shows how they were agents of ideology in favor of the federal government disguised as community voices. However, softening in the critique, we can assert that they were trying to negotiate tribal identity with national identity as a survival strategy. At the Ádahooníłígíí it is remarkable how Morgan endured various ideological waves of leadership stemming from Young towards the Bureau of Indian Affairs. While at the beginning he seemed quite committed to the project of building national and tribal identity at the same time, towards the end an exhaustion is noted by highlighting the fact that everything was just a report, and not something witnessed.
Young’s authorship is intriguing and paradoxical. He seems quite committed to the Navajo cause, but he needs to compromise in order to find support for the newspaper. He seems quite advanced for the era at supporting tribal voices to be spread and recognized, but at the same time he is serving the Anglo-American statu quo. He seems to have suffered such conflict in the leadership politics of the newspaper in a way that led to his dismissal when the BIA took over. The making of the newspaper seemed to be subjected to heated politics, while not necessarily being the pure expression of indigeneity.
Conflict, controversy and paradox in the making of Ádahooniłígíí shows a fascinating story of indigenous amid social change. At a time where the stereotype of the wild native was intentionally being deconstructed, new conflicting perspectives would arise such as essentialism and the true expression of the Navajo people. Some aspects of such expression might have shown interiorize oppression, but those were also legitimate voices in the complex making of identity.
[1] Arizona Memory Project, accessed March 28, 2026, https://azmemory.azlibrary.gov/nodes/view/20859
[2] Arizona Memory Project. https://azmemory.azlibrary.gov/nodes/view/20859
[3] -NIL (Navajo).” Wiktionary. Accessed March 28, 2026. https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/-NIL#Navajo For the prefixes, see Robert W. Young, The Navajo Verb System: An Overview (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2000), 1–26.
[4] Arizona Memory Project. https://azmemory.azlibrary.gov/nodes/view/20859
[5] Robert W. Young and William Morgan, The Navajo Language: The Elements of Navaho Grammar with a Dictionary (University of New Mexico Press, 1943); The ABC of Navaho (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1946); A Vocabulary of Colloquial Navaho (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1951); The Navajo Language: A Grammar and Colloquial Dictionary (University of New Mexico Press, 1980); Analytical Lexicon of Navaho (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1992); and Ádahooníłígíí, Navajo‑English bilingual newspaper (Albuquerque: Navajo Tribal Museum, founded 1943).
[6] Russell P. Hartman and David E. Doyel, “Preserving a Native People’s Heritage: A History of the Navajo Tribal Museum,” The Kiva 47, no. 4 (1982).
[7] Russell P. Hartman and David E. Doyel, “Preserving a Native People’s Heritage: A History of the Navajo Tribal Museum,” The Kiva 47, no. 4 (1982).
[8] Ádahooníłígíí, vol. 9, nos. 10–11 (Aug.–Sept. 1, 1953), 3, Arizona Memory Project, accessed March 28, 2026, https://azmemory.azlibrary.gov/nodes/view/22044?type=all&lsk=25dbe1259bb1b58c61688a5fcaa9f879#idx65068
[9] Gregory Ivan Redhouse, The University Experiences of Post-9/11 Native American Veterans: Strategic Support for Inclusion, Retention, & Success (PhD diss., The University of Arizona, 2016), 60-62, accessed February 24, 2026, https://repository.arizona.edu/handle/10150/61335.
[10] Gregory Ivan Redhouse, The University Experiences of Post-9/11 Native American Veterans, 64.
[11] John M. Coward, The Newspaper Indian: Native American Identity in the Press, 1820–90 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999), 9-10.
[12] Coward, The Newspaper Indian, 9–10.
[13] Mark N. Trahant, “Native American Newspapers: Telling Uncomfortable Truths in Tribal Journalism,” in Profiles in Journalistic Courage, ed. Roy Giles, Robert Snyder, and Lisa DeLisle, 121–30 (New York: Routledge/Taylor & Francis, 2001).
[14] E. Camarillo, S. Kunze, and C. Pollard, “How the Media Framed the COVID-19 Crisis on Native Nations: A Case Comparison of The New York Times and the Navajo Times,” Social Science Quarterly 105, no. 1 (2024): 54–67, https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13331
[15] Trahant, “Native American Newspapers,” 125.
[16] Trahant, “Native American Newspapers,” 128.
[17] Edward Valandra, “‘God Made Me an Indian’: Who Made Native Studies?” Wicazo Sa Review 31, no. 1 (2016): 46–63.
[18] Camarillo, Kunze, and Pollard, “How the Media Framed the COVID-19 Crisis,” 54–67.
[19] Camarillo, Kunze, and Pollard, “How the Media Framed the COVID-19 Crisis,” 54–67.
[20] Ádahooníłígíí, August 2, 1943, vol. 1, no. 1, Arizona Memory Project, https://azmemory.azlibrary.gov/nodes/view/20859.
[21] Ádahooníłígíí, September 1, 1943, vol. 1, no. 2, Arizona Memory Project, https://azmemory.azlibrary.gov/nodes/view/20859.
[22] Ádahooníłígíí, July 1, 1953, vol. 9, no. 9, Arizona Memory Project, https://azmemory.azlibrary.gov/nodes/view/20859.
[23] Ádahooníłígíí, August–September 1953, vol. 9, nos. 10–11, Arizona Memory Project, https://azmemory.azlibrary.gov/nodes/view/20859.
[24] Ádahooníłígíí, October 1, 1953, vol. 9, no. 12, Arizona Memory Project, https://azmemory.azlibrary.gov/nodes/view/20859.
[25] Ádahooníłígíí, May–June 1957, vol. 14, nos. 7–8, Arizona Memory Project, https://azmemory.azlibrary.gov/nodes/view/20859.
[26] Robert W. Young and William Morgan, Navajo Historical Selections: Selected, Edited and Translated from the Navajo, no. 3 (Washington, DC: Department of the Interior, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Branch of Education, 1954).
[27] Ádahooníłígíí, September 1, 1949, vol. 4, no. 11, Arizona Memory Project, 6,https://azmemory.azlibrary.gov/nodes/view/22016
[28] Young and Morgan, Navajo Historical Selections, no. 3, 5.
[29] Norman Fairclough, Language and Power (London: Longman, 1989). Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, rev. ed. (London: Verso, 2006).
[30] Ádahooníłígíí, August 2, 1949, 5.
[31] Ádahooníłígíí, August 2, 1949, 5.
[32] Ádahooníłígíí, November 1, 1956, vol. 14, nos. 1–2, Arizona Memory Project, https://azmemory.azlibrary.gov/nodes/view/22078, 1-3.
[33] Young and Morgan, Navajo Historical Selections, no. 3, 5.
[34] Ádahooníłígíí, November 1, 1956, vol. 14, nos. 1–2, Arizona Memory Project, https://azmemory.azlibrary.gov/nodes/view/22078, 1-3.